The fluctuation of the current NRM regime in power has continuously put our society in a state of uncertainty, as it often brings unpopular laws meant to harm Ugandans rather than protect their rights, security, and justice.
Whereas the Constitution is explicit, it requires that we must do only those actions that are acceptable and demonstrably justified in a free and democratic society.
The so-called Sovereignty Bill 2026 will not make Uganda free, nor will it make Uganda democratic. The bill is harmful and therefore deserves annulment. If the government persists and enacts it, it will amount to a misdemeanor and is abhorrent. We must strongly condemn it because it is inconsistent with Article 2 of the Constitution, which provides that the Constitution is the supreme law of the land, binding on all authorities and persons throughout Uganda. That Constitution was promulgated on 8 October 1995. Its preamble and structure reflect Uganda’s history and aspirations. Likewise, Article 1 makes it clear that power belongs to the people—meaning the people of Uganda are sovereign.
Ugandans built the “Road of Hope.” However, the government in power should not use that road to lead the nation into a dangerous and backward direction. The approach is hypothetical, regressive, and unacceptable.
It is also troubling that Ugandans living abroad—who are still Ugandan citizens—appear to be targeted under provisions that contradict the Constitution. This is against the principles of representation and equal citizenship. Denying Ugandans with qualifications, competence, and leadership capacity the chance to serve the country is both non-democratic and reckless.
Furthermore, the Constitution—particularly in Chapter Three, Articles 10 and 19—sets out rights and protections. Therefore, any attempt to classify a Ugandan as a “foreigner” is unconstitutional in nature and undermines the fundamental identity of citizenship.
As a revolutionary future leader of our beloved country Uganda, Prince Musanje Emmanuel, I vow to uphold the Constitution of Uganda and to defend it in principle and practice. In the Sovereignty Bill 2026, clauses 22, clauses 6, 7, and 8, and thereafter clause 13, are particularly unwanted and must be rejected, because Uganda already has a legal framework to address the concerns the bill claims to handle—namely the Anti-Money Laundering Act (AMLA), 2013. That Act created the Financial Intelligence Authority (FIA), which monitors, analyzes, and investigates financial transactions (including foreign transactions) to prevent money laundering and terrorism financing.
I therefore reject this treacherous proposal. Uganda does not need it. Instead, we must focus on equipping Ugandans with accurate information and strengthening the rule of law, transparency, and accountability—so that government institutions serve the people, not undermine them.
God bless Uganda. For God and my Country.
Prince Musanje Emmanuel.
